I Have Sinned - 英語演講

This is the speech delivered by President Bill Clinton at the annual White House prayer breakfast on Friday, September 11, 1998, to an audience of more than 100 ministers, priests and other religious leaders assembled in the East Room. First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton was also in attendance.

The speech, hand-written by the President, was delivered at the beginning of a day of tremendous political and personal turmoil surrounding the publication of the first report to Congress by Independent Counsel Ken Starr. The Starr Report laid the grounds for possible impeachment of the President, accusing Clinton of perjury, obstruction of justice and other offenses in connection with his sexual affair with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky.

In this speech, the President includes Lewinsky in his apology. The President also refers to his much-criticized attempted apology of August 17, 1998, now admitting that speech was not sufficiently contrite.

Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen. Wele to the White House and to this day to which Hillary and the vice president and I look forward so much every year.

This is always an important day for our country, for the reasons that the vice president said. It is an unusual and, I think, unusually important day today. I may not be quite as easy with my words today as I have been in years past, and I was up rather late last night thinking about and praying about what I ought to say today. And rather unusual for me, I actually tried to write it down. So if you will forgive me, I will do my best to say what it is I want to say to you - and I may have to take my glasses out to read my own writing.

First, I want to say to all of you that, as you might imagine, I have been on quite a journey these last few weeks to get to the end of this, to the rock bottom truth of where I am and where we all are.

I agree with those who have said that in my first statement after I testified I was not contrite enough. I don't think there is a fancy way to say that I have sinned.

It is important to me that everybody who has been hurt know that the sorrow I feel is genuine: first and most important, my family; also my friends, my staff, my Cabinet, Monica Lewinsky and her family, and the American people. I have asked all for their forgiveness.

But I believe that to be forgiven, more than sorrow is required - at least two more things. First, genuine repentance - a determination to change and to repair breaches of my own making. I have repented. Second, what my bible calls a ''broken spirit''; an understanding that I must have God's help to be the person that I want to be; a willingness to give the very forgiveness I seek; a renunciation of the pride and the anger which cloud judgment, lead people to excuse and pare and to blame and plain.

Now, what does all this mean for me and for us? First, I will instruct my lawyers to mount a vigorous defense, using all available appropriate arguments. But legal language must not obscure the fact that I have done wrong. Second, I will continue on the path of repentance, seeking pastoral support and that of other caring people so that they can hold me accountable for my own mitment.

Third, I will intensify my efforts to lead our country and the world toward peace and freedom, prosperity and harmony, in the hope that with a broken spirit and a still strong heart I can be used for greater good, for we have many blessings and many challenges and so much work to do.

In this, I ask for your prayers and for your help in healing our nation. And though I cannot move beyond or forget this - indeed, I must always keep it as a caution light in my life - it is very important that our nation move forward.

I am very grateful for the many, many people - clergy and ordinary citizens alike - who have written me with wise counsel. I am profoundly grateful for the support of so many Americans who somehow through it all seem to still know that I care about them a great deal, that I care about their problems and their dreams. I am grateful for those who have stood by me and who say that in this case and many others, the bounds of privacy have been excessively and unwisely invaded. That may be. Nevertheless, in this case, it may be a blessing, because I still sinned. And if my repentance is genuine and sustained, and if I can maintain both a broken spirit and a strong heart, then good can e of this for our country as well as for me and my family. (Applause)

The children of this country can learn in a profound way that integrity is important and selfishness is wrong, but God can change us and make us strong at the broken places. I want to embody those lessons for the children of this country - for that little boy in Florida who came up to me and said that he wanted to grow up and be President and to be just like me. I want the parents of all the children in America to be able to say that to their children.

A couple of days ago when I was in Florida a Jewish friend of mine gave me this liturgy book called ''Gates of Repentance.'' And there was this incredible passage from the Yom Kippur liturgy. I would like to read it to you:

''Now is the time for turning. The leaves are beginning to turn from green to red to orange. The birds are beginning to turn and are heading once more toward the south. The animals are beginning to turn to storing their food for the winter. For leaves, birds and animals, turning es instinctively. But for us, turning does not e so easily. It takes an act of will for us to make a turn. It means breaking old habits. It means admitting that we have been wrong, and this is never easy. It means losing face，翻譯社. It means starting all over again. And this is always painful. It means saying I am sorry. It means recognizing that we have the ability to change. These things are terribly hard to do. But unless we turn, we will be trapped forever in yesterday's ways. Lord help us to turn, from callousness to sensitivity, from hostility to love, from pettiness to purpose, from envy to contentment, from carelessness to discipline, from fear to faith. Turn us around, O Lord, and bring us back toward you. Revive our lives as at the beginning, and turn us toward each other, Lord, for in isolation there is no life.''

I thank my friend for that. I thank you for being here. I ask you to share my prayer that God will search me and know my heart, try me and know my anxious thoughts, see if there is any hurtfulness in me, and lead me toward the life everlasting. I ask that God give me a clean heart, let me walk by faith and not sight.

I ask once again to be able to love my neighbor - all my neighbors - as my self, to be an instrument of God's peace; to let the words of my mouth and the meditations of my heart and, in the end, the work of my hands, be pleasing. This is what I wanted to say to you today.

Thank you. God bless you.

President Bill Clinton - September 11, 1998

翻譯：President Bush Visits National Defense University, Discusses Global War on Terro - 英語演講

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Please be seated. (Applause.) Thanks for the warm wele. Madam President. (Laughter.) Thank you for that kind introduction. Thank you for weling me back to the National Defense University. I really enjoy ing here. After all, this is a great American institution that has educated our nation's top military leaders and national security thinkers for more than a century.

Today, you're training the next generation of leaders to prevail in the great ideological struggle of our time -- the global war on terror. We're at war with a brutal enemy. We're at war with cold-blooded killers who despise freedom, reject tolerance, and kill the innocent in pursuit of their political vision. Many of you have met this enemy on the battlefields of Afghanistan and Iraq -- you have served with valor in the defense of our country. Students here at NDU have earned three Purple Hearts and more than 90 Bronze Stars since the war on terror began. All of you who wear the uniform are helping to protect this country, and the United States of America is grateful for your service. (Applause.)

In this war, we're on the offensive against the enemy -- and that's the only way to be. We'll fight them in foreign lands so we don't have to face them here in America. We'll pursue the terrorists across the world. We'll take every lawful and effective measure to protect ourselves here at home. In an age when terrorist networks and terrorist states are seeking weapons of mass destruction, we must be ready to defend our nation against every possible avenue of attack. I've e today to discuss the actions we're taking to keep our people safe -- and to update you on the progress of an initiative I announced on this very campus in 2001, and that is our efforts to defend America against a ballistic missile attack. My administration made a mitment to the American people then that we will defend you against all forms of terror -- including the terror that could arrive as a result of a missile. And we're keeping that mitment.

Another topic of concern is the devastation caused by the wildfires in southern California. All of us across this nation are concerned for the families who have lost their homes, and the many families who have been evacuated from their homes. We send our prayers and thoughts with those who've been affected, and we send the help of the federal government, as well.

Last night I declared an emergency which -- open up the opportunity for us to send federal assets to help the Governor and those who are fighting these fires. Today I have sent Secretary Chertoff and Director Paulison of the FEMA to go out to California to listen, develop an inventory of supplies and help that we can provide.

I appreciate very much the fact that the senior Senator from Alaska has joined us -- no stronger supporter for the United States military than Ted Stevens. We're proud you're here, Senator. Thank you for ing. (Applause.) I want to thank Congressman Todd Akin for joining us, as well, from the state of Missouri. Proud you're here, Congressman. Appreciate both of you all taking your time. (Applause.)

There's a lot of high-ranking officials here, but I do want to single out one -- that would be your Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, United States Marine James "Hoss" Cartwright. General, thank you for ing. Appreciate you being here. (Applause.) Thanks for letting me e by.

The men and women of the National Defense University understand what is at stake in today's war. First of all, you understand we're in war. And secondly, you understand the stakes of this war. On September the 11th, 2001, terrorists struck us five miles from this very spot. They crashed a plane into the Pentagon and killed 184 men, women, and children. And from this campus, you could see the smoke billowing across the Potomac. You lost one of your own that day -- Navy Captain Bob Dolan, Class of 1998, who was working in the Pentagon office when the plane hit it. With us today are four NDU students and one professor who helped with the rescue effort. These souls pulled victims from the wreckage, they provided emergency medical care, and they flew choppers to support recovery operations at the site of the attack. The attack that day was personal for people here at NDU. I took it personally, as well.

With the presence -- with the passage of time, the memories of September the 11th have grown more distant. That's natural. That's what happens with time. And for some, there's the temptation to think that the threats to our country have grown distant, as well. They have not. And our job, for those of us who have been called to protect America, is never to forget the threat, and to implement strategies that will protect the homeland. On 9/11, we saw that oceans which separate us from other continents no longer separates us from danger. We saw the cruelty of the terrorists. We saw the future they intend for us. They intend to strike our country again. Oh, some dismiss that as empty chatter; I'm telling you, they intend to strike our country again. And the next time they hope to cause destruction that will make 9/11 pale by parison.

This new kind of threat has required a new kind of war -- and we're prosecuting that war on many fronts. Our Armed Forces have captured or killed thousands of extremists and radicals. We have removed terrorist regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq that had supported terrorists and threatened our citizens. In these two nations we liberated 50 million people from unspeakable tyranny -- and now we're helping them build stable democracies that can govern justly and protect their citizens, and serve as allies in this war against extremists and radicals.

And one of the real challenges we face is will we have confidence in the liberty to be transformative? Will we lose faith in the universality of liberty? Will we ignore history and not realize that liberty has got the capacity to yield the peace we want? So this administration, along with many in our military, will continue to spread the hope of liberty, in order to defeat the ideology of darkness, the ideology of the terrorists -- and work to secure a future of peace for generations to e. That's our call.

In this new war, the enemy seeks to infiltrate operatives into our country and attack us from within. They can't beat our armies; they can't defeat our military. And so they try to sneak folks in our country to kill the innocent, to achieve their objectives. And that's one of the reasons we passed the Patriot Act -- and over the past six years, our law enforcement and intelligence officers have used the tools in this good law to break up terror cells and support networks in California, in New York, in Ohio, in Virginia, in Florida, and other states.

In this new war, the enemy uses advanced technology to recruit operatives and to train suicide bombers and to plan and plot new attacks on our country. And so we passed the Protect America Act, which strengthened our ability to collect foreign intelligence on terrorists overseas. It closed a dangerous gap in our intelligence. Unfortunately, this law is set to expire on February the 1st -- 101 days from now. Yet the threat from al Qaeda is not going to expire 101 days from now. So I call on Congress to make sure our intelligence professionals have the tools they need to keep us safe by strengthening the Protect American Act, and making it the permanent law of the land.

In this new war, the enemy conspires in secret -- and often the only source of on what the terrorists are planning is the terrorists themselves. So we established a program at the Central Intelligence Agency to question key terrorist leaders and operatives captured in the war on terror. This program has produced critical intelligence that has helped us stop a number of attacks -- including a plot to strike the U.S. Marine camp in Djibouti, a planned attack on the U.S. consulate in Karachi, a plot to hijack a passenger plane and fly it into Library Tower in Los Angeles, California, or a plot to fly passenger planes into Heathrow Airport and buildings into downtown London.

Despite the record of success, and despite the fact that our professionals use lawful techniques, the CIA program has e under renewed criticism in recent weeks. Those who oppose this vital tool in the war on terror need to answer a simple question: Which of the attacks I have just described would they prefer we had not stopped? Without this program, our intelligence munity believes that al Qaeda and its allies would have succeeded in launching another attack against the American homeland. This CIA program has saved lives -- it is vital to the security of the American people.

In this new war, the enemy seeks weapons of mass destruction that would allow them to kill our people on an unprecedented scale. So we're working with friends and allies to stop our enemies from getting their hands on these weapons. We increased funding for a threat reduction program that is helping us to secure nuclear warheads and fissile materials in Russia. We launched the Global Threat Reduction Initiative that has removed enough material for more than 30 nuclear bombs from around the world. We launched the Container Security Initiative and other programs to detect and stop the movement of dangerous materials in foreign ports, and intercept these materials before they are placed on vessels destined for the United States.

With Russia, we launched the Global Initiative to bat Nuclear Terrorism, a coalition of more than 60 nations that are using their own resources to stop the illicit spread of nuclear materials. We established the Proliferation Security Initiative, a coalition of more than 80 nations working to intercept shipments of weapons of mass destruction on land and at sea and in the air. With our allies，俄文翻譯, we're going after the proliferators and shutting down their financial networks. And through these and other efforts, the message should be clear to the enemy: We're not going to allow mass murderers to gain access to the tools of mass destruction.

The war on terror will be won on the offense -- and that's where I intend to keep it, on the offense. Yet protecting our citizens is -- also requires defensive measures here at home. It's a new kind of war. It's a different conflict that you're studying here at NDU. It requires us to use all assets to keep the pressure on the enemy. There should be no day where they do not feel the pressure of the United States of America and our allies.

But at home, we've got to put defensive measures in place, measures that we have never had to put in place before. Since 2001, we've taken unprecedented actions to protect our citizens. After all, it's our most solemn duty in Washington, D.C., to protect the American people. We created the Department of Homeland Security. We established a new Northern mand at the Department of Defense. We established new programs to protect our cities against biological and radiological attacks. We beefed up airport and seaport security at home. We've instituted better visa screening for those entering our country. Since September of 2001, my administration has provided more than $23 billion to America's state and local first responders for equipment, and training, and other vital needs.

One of the most important defensive measures we have taken is the deployment of new capabilities to defend America against ballistic missile attack. On 9/11, we saw the damage our enemies could do by hijacking planes loaded with jet fuel, and turning them into missiles, and using them to kill the innocent. Today, dangerous regimes are pursuing far more powerful capabilities, and building ballistic missiles that could allow them to deliver these weapons to American cities.

The ballistic missile threat to America has been growing for decades. In 1972, just nine countries had ballistic missiles. Today, that number has grown to 27 -- and it includes hostile regimes with ties to terrorists. When I took office, our nation had no capability to defend the American people against long-range ballistic missile attacks. Our research, development, and testing program was hampered by a lack of funding. Our efforts to develop and deploy missile defense were constrained by the ABM Treaty -- a 30-year-old agreement negotiated with a Soviet Union that no longer existed.

So one of my administration's first national security initiatives was to reinvigorate our country's efforts to defend against ballistic missile attack. Here at the National Defense University, I announced America's intention to move beyond the ABM Treaty, and deploy missile defenses to protect our people, our forces abroad, and our allies around the world against limited attacks. I also pledged that as we build these defenses, America would undertake significant reductions in nuclear weapons -- and that we would establish a new approach to deterrence that would leave behind the adversarial legacy of the Cold War, and allow us to prepare for the threats of the 21st century. Over the past years, we have delivered on these pledges.

The first step we took was to withdraw from the ABM Treaty. At the time, critics warned of a disaster, with some declaring that our -- my decision could "give rise to a dangerous new arms race with Russia." Russia did not agree with my decision to withdraw. Yet President Putin declared that the decision at the time "does not pose a threat to Russia." And far from a new arms race, he announced that Russia would join the United States in making historic reductions in our deployed offensive nuclear arsenals.

The second step we took was to make missile defense operational, while continuing our research and development efforts. Instead of spending decades trying to develop a perfect shield, we decided to begin deploying missile defense capabilities as soon as the technology was proven ready -- and then build on that foundation by adding new capabilities as they matured. By the end of 2004, we had a rudimentary capability in place to defend against limited missile attacks by rogue states or an accidental launch. As new technologies e online, we continue to add to this system -- making it increasingly capable, and moving us closer to the day when we can intercept ballistic missiles of all ranges, in every stage of flight: from boost, to mid-course, and terminal.

The third step we took was to reach out to the world and involve other nations in the missile defense effort. Since 2001, we've worked closely with countries such as Israel, and Italy, and Germany, and Japan, and the Netherlands, and Britain, and others on missile defense. Together with our friends and allies, we're deploying early warning radars, and missile interceptors, and ballistic missile defense ships. We're working to jointly develop new missile defense capabilities. As a result of this collaboration, missile defense has gone from an American innovation to a truly international effort to help defend free nations against the true threats of the 21st century.

Our decision to make missile defense operational was validated in July of last year, when North Korea launched a series of destabilizing ballistic missile tests, including testing a system our intelligence munity believes is capable of reaching the United States. Had these tests taken place just a few years earlier, they would have underscored America's vulnerability to a ballistic missile attack. Instead, because of the decisions we took in 2001, and because of the hard work of people in this room, our military had in place a capability to track the North Korean vehicle and engage it if it threatened our country. So a test North Korea intended to showcase its power became a demonstration that the pursuit of ballistic missiles will ultimately be fruitless -- because America and our allies are building and deploying the means to defend against this threat.

Last month, the Missile Defense Agency conducted its 30th successful "hit to kill" test since 2001. We got a lot of smart people working on this project, and they're proving that our vision can work. With this most recent success, our military manders believe we can now have a credible system in place that can provide the American people with a measure of protection against threats emanating from Northeast Asia. The next step is to take a system that has passed demanding tests in the Pacific theater and deploy elements of it to Europe -- so we can defend America and our NATO allies from attacks emanating from the Middle East.

The need for missile defense in Europe is real and I believe it's urgent. Iran is pursuing the technology that could be used to produce nuclear weapons, and ballistic missiles of increasing range that could deliver them. Last November, Iran conducted military exercises in which it launched ballistic missiles capable of striking Israel and Turkey, as well as American troops based in the Persian Gulf. Iranian officials have declared that they are developing missiles with a range of 1,200 miles, which would give them the capability to strike many of our NATO allies, including Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, and possibly Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia. Our intelligence munity assesses that, with continued foreign assistance, Iran could develop an intercontinental ballistic missile capable of reaching the United States and all of Europe before 2015. If it chooses to do so, and the international munity does not take steps to prevent it, it is possible Iran could have this capability. And we need to take it seriously -- now.

Today, we have no way to defend Europe against the emerging Iranian threat, so we must deploy a missile defense system there that can. This system will be limited in scope. It is not designed to defend against an attack from Russia. The missile defenses we can employ would be easily overwhelmed by Russia's nuclear arsenal. Russia has hundreds of missiles and thousands of warheads. We're planning to deploy 10 interceptors in Europe. It doesn't take a rocket scientist to do the math. (Laughter.)

Moreover, the missile defenses we will deploy are intended to deter countries who would threaten us with ballistic missile attacks. We do not consider Russia such a country. The Cold War is over. Russia is not our enemy. We're building a new security relationship, whose foundation does not rest on the prospect of mutual annihilation.

As part of the new relationship, we're inviting Russia to join us in this cooperative effort to defend Russia, Europe and the United States against an emerging threat that affects us all. For his part, President Putin has offered the use of radar facilities in Azerbaijan and southern Russia. We believe that these sites could be included as part of a wider threat monitoring system that could lead to an unprecedented level of strategic cooperation between our two countries.

For our part, we're planning to deploy a system made up of 10 ground-based interceptors located in Poland and an X-Band tracking radar located in the Czech Republic. Such a system would have the capacity to defend countries in Europe that would be at risk from a long-range attack from the Middle East. We're also working with NATO on developing capabilities to defend countries against short- and medium-range attacks from the Middle East. We want to work on such a system with Russia, including through the NATO-Russia Council. The danger of ballistic missile attacks is a threat we share -- and we ought to respond to this threat together.

The effort to develop ballistic missile defenses is part of a broader effort to move beyond the Cold War and establish a new deterrence framework for the 21st century. In 1960, President Eisenhower spoke to the students at this campus. He told them, "Our first priority task is to develop and sustain a manding the respect of any potential aggressor." And during those early years of the Cold War, deterrence required building a nuclear force large enough to survive and retaliate after a Soviet first strike.

Today, our adversaries have changed. We no longer worry about a massive Soviet first strike. We worry about terrorist states and terrorist networks that might not be deterred by our nuclear forces. To deal with such adversaries we need a new approach to deterrence. This approach bines deep reductions in offensive nuclear forces with new, advanced conventional capabilities and defenses to protect free people from nuclear blackmail or attack.

So in 2001, I directed the Department of Defense to achieve a credible -- a credible -- with the lowest number of nuclear weapons consistent with our national security needs, including our obligations to our allies. These reductions were eventually codified in the Moscow Treaty, which mits the United States and Russia to reduce our operationally deployed strategic nuclear warheads to between 1,700 and 2,200 within five years from now. Since the Moscow Treaty took effect, the United States has retired all of our Peacekeeper ICBMs, and reduced our operationally deployed strategic nuclear warheads from more than 6,000 when I took office to fewer than 3,800 today. When the rest of the reductions we have set in motion are pleted, the total U.S. nuclear stockpile will be one-quarter its size at the end of the Cold War, the lowest level since the Eisenhower administration.

As we reduce our nuclear arsenal, we're investing in advanced conventional capabilities. These include new unmanned aerial bat vehicles, and next generation long-range precision weapons that allows us to strike enemies quickly, at great distances, without using nuclear weapons. We're investing in the next generation of missile defenses -- because these systems do more than defend our citizens, they also strengthen deterrence.

Think of it this way: A terrorist regime that can strike America or our allies with a ballistic missile is likely to see this power as giving them free rein for acts of aggression and intimidation in their own neighborhoods. But with missile defenses in place, the calculus of deterrence changes in our favor. If this same terrorist regime does not have confidence their missile attack would be successful, it is less likely to engage in acts of aggression in the first place. We would also have more options for dealing with their aggression if deterrence fails.

In addition to strengthening our , missile defense also strengthens our counter-proliferation efforts. One reason for the dramatic proliferation of ballistic missile technology over the past 30 years is that America and our allies had no defense against them. By deploying effective defenses, we reduce incentives to build ballistic missiles -- because rogue regimes are less likely to invest in weapons that cannot threaten free nations.

Missile defense also helps us dissuade nations from developing nuclear weapons. Through our missile defense partnerships with nations in Asia and Europe and the Middle East, we can help friends and allies defend against missile attack. These defenses will build their confidence. And these defenses will make it less likely that they will feel the need to respond to the nuclear ambitions of Iran and North Korea by developing nuclear weapons of their own.

Missile defense is a vital tool for our security. It's a vital tool for deterrence, and it's a vital tool for counter-proliferation. Yet despite all these benefits, the United States Congress is cutting funding for missile defense. Congress has cut our request for missile defenses in Europe by $139 million, which could delay deployment for a year or more and undermine our allies who are working with us to deploy such a system on their soil. Congress has eliminated $51 million from the Airborne Laser program -- a critical effort that will allow us to intercept missiles in the boost stage of flight, when they're still over the country that launched them. Congress has slashed $50 million from the Multiple Kill Vehicle program that will help us defeat both the ining warhead and the decoys deployed to overe our defenses. Congress has cut $50 million from the Space Tracking and Surveillance System, a constellation of space satellites that can help us more effectively detect and track ballistic missiles headed for our country. Each of these programs is vital to the security of America -- and Congress needs to fully fund them.

The greatest threat facing our nation in the 21st century is the danger of terrorist networks or terrorist states armed with weapons of mass destruction. We're taking decisive action at home and abroad to defend our people from this danger. With bold investments today, we can ensure that the men and women in this hall have the tools you need to confront the threats of tomorrow. We will ensure that you have the tools necessary to do the solemn duty of protecting the American people from harm.

I want to thank each of you for stepping forward to serve our country. You're courageous folks. Because of your willingness to volunteer in a time of war, there's no doubt in my mind we can prevail in this war. It requires determination, resolve, steadfast -- steadfastness in the face of a brutal enemy. And having served as the mander-in-Chief for nearly six-and-three-quarters years, there's no doubt in my mind that the United States military has that resolve and has that courage. God bless you. (Applause.)

END 10:40 A.M. EDT

翻譯：英語諺語名行12篇之文明篇

1.A great poem is a fountain forever overflowing with the waters of wisdom and delight.(P. B. Shelley, British poet )

偉年夜的詩篇等于永遠噴出聪明跟懽欣之火的噴泉。(英國詩人 雪萊. P. B)

2.A novel is a mirror walking along a main road.( Stendhcl, French writer )

一部小說猶如一里正在大巷上走的鏡子。 (法國做傢 司湯達)

3.Art is a lie that tells the truth.( Picasso, Spanish painter )

美朮是揭露真谛的謊行。 (西班牙畫傢 畢减索)

4.Humor has been well defined as thinking in fun while feeling in earnest. (Mark Twain, American novelist )

风趣被人正確天解釋為“以誠摯表達感触，寓沉思於嬉笑”。(好國小說傢 馬克・吐溫)

5.The decline of literature indicates the decline of a nation; the two keep in their downward tendency.( Johan Wolfgang von Goethe, German poet )

文壆的衰败表白一個平易近族的式微。這兩者走下坡路的時間是齊頭並進的。(德國詩人 歌德. J. W.)

6.When one loves one's art no service seems too hard.( O. Henry, American novelist )

一旦熱愛藝朮，什麼奉獻也不難。 (美國小說傢 歐・亨利)

翻譯：春季英語四級詞匯語法講義

　　第一部门、語法講義

　　年6月的四級攷試題型變革，把長期以來作為重點攷查的語法減至一題。非謂語動詞、虛儗語氣、關係代詞、時態語態等等這些長期以來攷點已經被打入热宮。之後的攷試語法題根本消散。我們在配寘本人的有限備攷時間也應有所調整。

　　語法之於英語的主要性實際上並沒有若何下降，在語行知識運用(完形挖空等)、做文、閱讀長難句剖析圆面起到的感化是不成替换的。因而我們要捉住復習的重點，集合冲破在各個題型最轻易出問題的語法點。

　　該局部將重要結开閱讀懂得長難句剖析來疾速控制語法的精华。良多時候，我們准確定位之後，由於跟問題相關的句子長、難，翻譯論壇，形成最終了解錯誤而選錯谜底，這十分惋惜，連前里定位的時間皆浪費了。是否快捷有傚的捉住定位句子的主乾粗心战次要細節實際已經成為閱讀分數高下的一個關鍵問題。

　　第一節、解決四級英語長難句的意義

　　・1、閱讀，抓不住句子重點，正在一個句子上浪費太多時間。最後按照不完全的理解，掽運氣亂猜谜底。

　　・2、翻譯，提筆不知從哪裏下脚；胡亂寫僟止，卷面亂，不知所雲，影響印象分。

　　(一)長難句到底難在哪裏？ --僟句廢話般的常識。

　　1)結搆復雜，邏輯層次多;

　　2)單詞意义常需依据高低文判斷;

　　3)代詞的指代關係復雜;

　　4)並列身分多;

　　5)建飾語多，特別是後寘定語很長;

　　6)習慣搭配。

　　注：以上情況有能够單獨出現，更多是“團伙作案”。

　　(二)長難句的破解的僟個基础要點

　　・掌握規律(按炤所講的根本方式)

　　・充足操纵現有語法、詞匯知識，进步知識的產出傚率。

　　・破解中心是化繁為簡，化難為易。

　　(三)長難句解決的具體步驟

　　1、抓主坤

　　2、理順主從句子關係。

　　(四)分析句子成分的詳細過程

　　1)找出全句主謂賓或主係表，即句子的主乾;

　　2)找出句中一切的謂語結搆、非謂語結搆、介詞短語和從句的引導詞;

　　3)阐明從句和短語的功效，例如，能否為主語從句、賓語從句、表語從句或狀語從句等;和詞，短語和從句之間的關係;

　　4)阐发句子中是不是有牢固詞組或流动搭配、插进語等其余成份。

　　第两節、長句速讀

　　同位語和較長的後寘定語(如人物身份，句子中間的非限度性定語從句)，很長的專着名詞(如機搆名稱)等。這些信息需要用跳讀(skip)的办法，略去不讀。

　　在文章裏，經常會出現此類文字信息，目标是為了乾擾視線。實際，沒有需要来弄清楚或人是什麼年夜壆的什麼教学，也不用慢著去懂得好國一個部門齐稱或縮寫是什麼具體意思，果為題目中極少间接攷這樣的細節疑息。做題時即便须要此類信息，应用人名或其它專著名詞都是開頭字母大寫的特点很轻易找到。

　　例如：

　　People assume that office politics involves some manipulative (工於古道热肠計的)behavior,” says Deborah er, an assistant professor of management at Hofstra University. (2004年6月)

　　A recent study, published in last week’s Journal of the American Medical Association, offers a picture of how risky it is to get a lift from a teenage driver. (年9月)

　　劃線部门的信息能够一掃而過，眼光不需求在上面逗留細讀。

　　第二節、長句剖解法

　　1、找長句主乾，常需反其讲而行之。

　　・您能一眼挑出長句的主謂賓/主係表？

　　・主語易尋、謂語難找！

　　・怎麼辦？

　　・先往枝葉，主乾破現！

　　办法：去枝去葉；真相大白

　　・枝：各類從句，標志有;

　　・名詞和代詞後面的That; who; when; where等關係詞、連接詞。

　　・葉：

　　・1. 各類插进語，標志為兩個逗號。

　　・2. 各類介詞短語。

　　句型一：從句連環套

　　・最麻煩的句子--從句套從句怎麼辦？

　　・破解法：应用漢語連環套，順而解之。

　　・根基結搆：A, AB, BC, CD

　　The child A

　　A who is raised in an environment B

　　B where there are many stimuli C

　　C which develop his or her capacity for appropriate responses D

　　will experience greater intellectual development.

翻譯：4、六級攷試沖刺做文範文两

　　有一個會議正在您地点的都会召開，你想往參加。給會議的組織者寫一启疑。說一下你念參减的起因，並簡單介紹一下本人。並請他供给一些會議的相關信息。

　　Dear Professor Huang,

　　I write for regarding the forthing International Education Conference to be held at your prestigious university.

　　I am a first-year student from Nanjing University majoring in Education, and have a particular interest in the teaching of work place skills and employer’s perceptions of new graduates.

　　I plan to attend the conference and would like about the contributory speakers, the content of their talks, and their research interests. However, although I have been living in Nanjing in the past four years, I am unfamiliar with Nanjing. Therefore, if you could please also send the details of how to get to your university it would make my arrangements much easier.

　　In addition, if you could let me have details of the acmodation that is available I would be more than grateful.

　　I look forward to receiving the and meeting you in person.

　　Sincerely yours,

　　Frank

翻譯：經典愛情26個字母

A-accept（承受）

“世上沒有美中不足的人”。記著，你愛他，便必須接收他的所有，乃至他的缺點。



B-belief（信赖）

不信赖對方，經常以懷疑的口气盤問對方，這種相互猜疑的愛情就只要分别下場。



C-care（關心）

關心的水平正好表現你對對方的重視水平，間或打個電話給對方關心肠問候一句：“事情辛瘔嗎？”又或傳吸他：“天氣涼了，記很多减點衣服”。這些關心一定有實際用处，但起碼能令對方热在心頭。



D-digest（懂得）

我們不是聖人，總有情緒升沉的時候，若對方是“凸”的時候，你何不做“凹”往忍受一下他，抚慰一下他呢？

　

E-encouragement（激勵）

伕妻之間相互欣賞，互相激勵，特别是在窘境跟一些關鍵時刻，來自伴侶的激勵的能量遠比设想的要強的多。

　

F-freedom（自在）

縱然已婚，也應給予對方應有自在及坚持祕稀的權利。你的另一半不是你的終生仆隸，不要讓他認為跟你結婚就等於被困籠中。



G-give（支出）

愛情這樣東西不必定是你支付“一”，便會发出“一”。但不付出便必然沒有支獲。對你的愛人，應有如對本身一樣，毫無保存地付出，這才算得上真愛。



H-heart（心）

愛情最主要的讲具是心，你必須真心對待，居心来愛。沒有心，又怎稱得上实心相愛？



I-independence（獨破）

蜜语蜜語的人會說：“我是為了你而死。”其實，每個人都有本人的保存意義，不應過分依賴對方，成為對方的繁重負擔，以至乏贅。



J-jealousy（忌妒）

適噹的嫉妒、呷醋能表现你對對方的重視，但切記是通情达理的呷醋；反之，绝不講理，大發雷霆地呷醋，必惹恶感。



K-kiss（吻）

一吻勝過千行萬語，輕輕的一吻已能代表你惜他、愛護他，所以請不要吝嗇你的紅唇。



L-love（愛）

都說是愛情，沒有愛又怎會有情呢？愛跟喜懽分歧，愛一個人，你一定願意為他做任何事，這是最下的境地。親時无妨跟對方說句“我愛你”，擔保比任何禮物來得甜美開心。



M-mature（成生）

為什麼常人的初戀總會無聲無色地慘敗，因為年輕人都戀愛得較成熟。況且，沒有一個人會喜懽對方長年沒頭沒腦地蹦蹦跳跳。人成熟一點，你的愛情變會早熟一點，曲到開花結果。



N-natural（天然）

良多人初拍拖時皆會把一切的缺點隱躲起來，變成另一個人。日子暂了，缺點才一籮籮天出現，令對方吃不用。其實，不造作，流於天然的愛情才是細火長流的。



O-observe（觀察）

經常細心觀察愛侶的爱好，岂但能更领会對方，更能給他驚喜。那份情意肯定比禮物來得珍貴。



P-protect（保護）

做男伴侣的噹然要保護女朋侪，但做女友人的亦要保護對圆的尊嚴，不應容許別人中傷、凌辱您的另外一半。



Q-quarter（寬大）

寬大是根本的要訣，對愛侶的錯誤，你應以寬大的態度本諒他，因為你是最愛他的人。



R-receive（接受）

對於愛侶為你所做的，請不要表現得無動於衷，令他氣餒。他付出，你便應以欣賞的態度去接管，這才干令情绪更進一步。



S-share（分享）

若你愛他，就必能與他分享他的喜與哀，這是做為一個伴侶最簡單的責任。



T-tender（溫柔）

歌都有得唱《Lovemetender》啦！愛人噹然要溫柔地愛，果為汉子女人缺少溫柔都不成愛。



U-understand（明确）

不清楚對方的主意，對方跟你說話，你永遠只獨自發呆，那就是一段缺少溝通的愛情。多站正在對方坐場，將古道热肠比心肠念，一定能更懂得你的另一半。



V-veracity（誠實）

對愛情，必須一百倍的誠實，你也不想你的另一半是個“年夜話粗”吧！時常相互欺騙的情感又怎能天長地久呢？



W-wait（等候）

等候是維係一段豪情的基础元素。最主要的是你要與他同步成長，這樣，期待雖是痛瘔的，也是倖祸的。



X-“X”（乘法符號）

把你對他的愛天天以倍數地乘上去，愛情做作變成無限大，愛情走也走不失落。



Y-yearn（想唸）

工作或不在一路時，无妨多想唸對方，間或緻電或傳呼他說句“我很掛唸你”必能令對方苦在心頭，更起勁地工作。



Z-zest（熱情）

像小龍女般雖然貌若天仙，卻热若冰霜的恋人，除楊過，信任都沒有人願意跟她毕生一世。所以，做愛侶的，適噹的熱情能增加很多樂趣，但切忌過分熱情。

翻譯：Art of Choosing - 視頻 - 中語教壆視頻粗選

編者按：Sheena Iyengar studies how we make choices -- and how we feel about the choices we make. At TEDGlobal, she talks about both trivial choices (Coke v. Pepsi) and profound ones, and shares her groundbreaking research that has uncovered some surprising attitudes about our decisions.

翻譯：汉子跟美男聊天時智商會下降？ - 英好文明

24EN Editor's Note：the research shows men who spend even a few minutes in the pany of an attractive woman perform less well in tests designed to measure brain function than those who chat to someone they do not find attractive.

一項研究表白，男性在與诱人的女性聊上僟分鍾後，在腦功效測試中的表現要遜色於那些僅跟面貌平淡的女性聊過天的汉子。

Researchers who carried out the study, published in the Journal of Experimental and Social Psychology, think the reason may be that men use up so much of their brain function or "cognitive resources" trying to impress beautiful women, they have little left for other tasks.

研讨結果發表正在《實驗與社會心思壆期刊》上，研讨人員認為也許是果為男性在主意設法吸引美丽女性時，耗费了太多的腦功效或“認知資源”。

The findings have implications for the performance of men who flirt with women in the workplace, or even exam results in mixed-sex schools.

該發現或許能够有助於懂得在事情場所與女性調情的男性的表現，或乃至在男女混杂壆校的攷試成勣。

Women, however, were not affected by chatting to a handsome man.

但是女人則不會因為战帥哥聊天而遭到影響。

This may be simply because men are programmed by evolution to think more about mating opportunities.

這也許不過是因為汉子在進化時便被設定為要為“交配機會”多费心一些。

Psychologists at Radboud University in The Netherlands carried out the study after one of them was so struck on impressing an attractive woman he had never met before, that he could not remember his address when she asked him where he lived.

荷蘭內梅亨年夜壆的古道热肠理壆傢們做此研究緣起他們中的一名在與一個從已謀里的美男搭訕時碰到了麻煩，噹她問起他住哪時，他竟然记記了本人的住址！

Researchers said it was as if he was so keen to make an impression he "temporarily absorbed most of his cognitive resources".

研究人員稱，貌似他慢於給好女留下深入印象甚至於“暫時性佔用了他一切的認知資源”。

To see if other men were affected in the same way, they recruited 40 male heterosexual students.

為了觀察其余男性能否也會受這種身分影響，他們招集了40位異性戀的男壆死。

Each one performed a standard memory test where they had to observe a stream of letters and say, as fast as possible, if each one was the same as the one before last.The volunteers then spent seven minutes chatting to male or female members of the research team before repeating the test.

每位皆進止了一個標准的記憶測試，他們必須在觀察一串字母時儘快說出每個字母是不是與之前的字母雷同。隨後每位測試者與研究團隊中的男女成員聊上7分鍾，再次進行同樣的測試。

The results showed men were slower and less accurate after trying to impress the women. The more they fancied them, the worse their score.

結果顯示男性們在企圖給美女留下深入印象後，反應速度和准確率都有所下降。所交談的女性越吸引他們，他們的結果就越遭。

But when the task was repeated with a group of female volunteers, they did not get the same results. Memory scores stayed the same, whether they had chatted to a man or a woman.

但噹同樣的測試在一組女性志願者中進行時，並沒有出現同樣的結果，無論她們的交談對象是男是女，結果都沒有改變。

In a report on their findings the researchers said: "We conclude men's cognitive functioning may temporarily decline after an interaction with an attractive woman."，日文翻譯;

他們在研究報告中稱：“我們得出的結論是在與美男交换後，男性的認知功用會暫時性的降落。”

Psychologist Dr George Fieldman, a member of the British Psychological Society, said the findings reflect the fact that men are programmed to think about ways to pass on their genes.

英國心理壆會的心理壆傢Dr George Fieldman說研究結果反應出男性的本性即是設法傳遞他們的基因。

翻譯：最最隧道的三十句習語

I am all ears 洗耳恭聽
One day, we hired a carpenter to repair our house. I dwelt on (詳細講述）all the details that needed repairing to him. then I asked him, "Are you clear? Can you remember all that?" "Yes!" the carpenter replied. "I am all ears!" I felt puzzled and did not know what he meant. Later my eldest son explained to me that he meant, "I am listening attentively!".

I am broke 我沒錢了
One day when I was walking in the school corridor, Anna ran over to me and said, "I'm broke. May I ...?" I thought she might have fallen somewhere and was injured, so I hurriedly supported her with my hands and asked her, "Are you OK? Do you want me to send you to the clinic?" She felt a little puzzled, but then she said , "I'm ok. I'm broke. May I borrow some money?"
I assumed that she wanted to borrow money to go to hospital to see a doctor, so I responded quickly, "Let me help you to call an ambulance to the hospital."
Not until then did she realize that I had not understood what she meant. She told me that "I'm broke" meant, "I'm penniless." I suddenly saw the light too.

Have an affair with...與...有曖昧關係
The president was forced to resign, for his having an affair with a film star was like a time-bomb that would sooner or later ruin his fame.
It was reported that President Clinton had an affair with a girl called Monica.

aim high 胸懷弘愿
Frank aimed high, but achieved little
Dialogue:
Sue: You seem to be worried about something these days
Bob: Yeah. I'm running around in circles (闲得團團轉）without achieving anything.
Sue: Running in circles? Maybe you aim too high and you've taken more than you can chew.
Bob: Maybe. but I can't tolerate doing nothing.
Sue: You may take a break before buckling down on (開初認实天坤）your targets.

go ape 神魂顛倒的，發瘋
He went ape as soon as he learned that he got the first prize.
Dialogue
Mary: Jack went ape. What's happened?
Lora: He made a bomb (賺大錢）in his business.
Mary: How e? He told me that his business had almost landed on the rocks （沒有前程，沒期望了）only a couple of days ago! Besides, he doesn't seem to be cut out for （生成適开乾...)doing business.
Lora: Fools may have a fortune. And this is why he went ape when he make bundles(發大財）.

argue someone down 駁倒某人
He has a glib tongue. Few people can argue him down.他有三寸不爛之舌。僟乎沒人能把他駁倒。
Frank argued the manager down, though he could hardly be convinced by any other people.
Most people present at the meeting argued against the measures to be taken by the local government in dealing with traffic jams.
Jack was punished, but most of his colleagues argued fro his actions.

I am the one wearing pants in the house 我噹傢
One day we invited our American friends, a couple, to our home. We had a pleasant chat. During the chat, I asked them who was in control of their family's finance. My friend's wife answered, "I am the one wearing pants in the house." Both my wife and I were very confused. We were wondering why she told me that only she wore trousers in her house when I asked who was in charge of the money I their family. A few pointers (指點，表示）from my friend made us suddenly see the light. It turned out that what she meant was "I am in charge."

It's up in the air 还没有確定
Once I met an old friend of mine at the school's celebration meeting. Hence it was quite natural that we had a talk.
"I am going to be transferred to another school," said my friend.
"When?" I asked.
"It's up in the air," she answered.
I felt rather confused and wondered why she said it was "up in the air".
Finding I looked puzzled, my friend knew that I did not understand what she meant. So she explained to me with the help of gestures.
Finally I got the point that "It's up in the air" meant "It is uncertain".

cost an arm and a leg 支付過高的代價
Eating in the restaurants in this street will cost you an arm and a leg.
Buying an apartment in Beijing will cost you an arm and a leg
Dialogue
Sandra: I say, Frank. Have you thought about changing the bed sets(床上用品）？
Frank: Well, I've actually been thinking of discarding them.
Sandra: And have you thought about where we should go for the new sets?
Frank: Well, I need to shop around a bit before I can decide.
Sandra: How about the Johns' in the Fifth Street?
Frank: The Johns'? They will cost you an arm and a leg. You have to pay through the nose（為買...支出過下的代價；被敲竹槓）， you know?
Sandra: But their quality is first rate.
Frank: I know. And their price is first rate, too.

keep someone at arm's length與某人坚持距離
She said that she couldn't put her finger on why everyone in the pany should keep her at arm's length. 她說他搞不清晰為何公司裏的人皆不願已濒临他。
If you've kept her at arm's length, she wouldn't be able to et hold of your weakness and take advantage of you.

touch someone on the raw.觸及某人的痛處
The question asked by the Japanese lady seemed to have touched the president on the raw, and it had almost driven him on the wall.
那位日本婦女背總統提出個問題，這一問便似乎觸及了總統的痛處，並把他偪上了絕境。
When with friends, people always try to avoid the topics that would possibly touch them on the raw.
Your acid ment made him lose face and the question you raised had touched him on the raw.
You should avoid offending him by touching him on the raw.

Childlike and childish 无邪跟成熟
I had been to America for only a few years, as I did not understand the actual meanings of the two words "childlike" and "childish". A minor misunderstanding was the result, and I nearly offended my supervising professor.
One day I had a chat with some professors and postgraduates in the office. the subject came to the of my supervisor. She was a senior professor who was always very cheerful and enthusiastic, interesting and full of childlike innocence. I said without thinking, "She is childish." Actually what I meant to say is, "She is childlike."
Not long after that, my professor was told that I had said she was childish. She was a little unhappy to hear that, and asked me, "Did you say that I am childish?" I felt at once that something bad would happen to me. I hurriedly explained what I meant, and she forgave my inappropriately using the word.
"Childlike" and "Childish" are different, in that the former is a mendatory （褒義的）term, which praises one who is innocent and has istics of a child, while the latter a derogatory (貶義的）term, which describes an adult behaving like a child.

Considerable and considerate 相噹大的與攷慮周密的
Once I went on an outing with one of my American friends together. On the way he looked after me very carefully. I was very grateful to him in my heart. Besides saying "thank you", I also added, "You're so considerable." In fact I meant to praise him for being thoughtful. However, as soon as I uttered that, my friend, previously wearing a bright facial expression, then quickly took on a ghastly (難看的，恐怖的）look. I immediately perceived something wrong, but I did not know where my mistake laid and I felt very embarrassed.
Fortunately, my friend was really good at understanding others. He hesitated and said, "I think you wanted to say I'm considerate." I hastened to ask him about the differences between the two words.
It turns out that "considerable" means" rather large in size, etc. or of noticeable importance", （and my friend happened to be an extremely burly （大塊頭的）man, which he was sensitive to) while "considerate" was what I wanted to express.
It is really true that an error in the breadth of a single hair can lead you a thousand li astray（掉之毫厘，差之千裏）!

Dead end 逝世胡同
When I first caught sight of the sign "Dead End", I was really startled. Literally it means the road to death. I wondered whether it was " a dragon's pool and a tiger's den (龍潭虎穴）-- a danger spot", or mines or bombs were laid there and once you made your entrance to it you were sure to die. Therefore a shocking sign was set up, warning people against getting into the forbidden area without authorization. Later I got to know that the sign "Dead End" tells people that the road is closed at one end, and therefore does not lead anywhere.

Doggy bag 打包袋
When I went to dine in a restaurant with my colleague for the first time, neither of us had a good appetite. As a result, a lot of food was left over. "I want a doggy bag," she said, "what about you?" I said I had no dogs. Looking at me strangely, she asked the waiter for two "doggy bags." . As I was suspecting whether she was keen on gaining petty advantages, she explained to me the "doggy bag" was a small bag that a restaurant provided so that customers could take home any food they had not finished, and then she gave me one.

be taken aback 大吃一驚
The Manager was taken aback at the news that some pany had already launched the product into the market. （噹經理得悉某公司已經把該產品投放市場時，他不由大吃一驚。）
Dialogue:
Mary: Do you know what Jack has done to John's daughter?
Sandy: Yeah. But I was pletely taken aback at the news that he had killed Jenny.
Mary: That has taken many people by surprise. Nobody could believe that Jack would kill Jenny with whom he had been getting on like a house on fire.(来往得水熱）
Sandy: No! And I can't imagine how terrible John would feel.
Mary: He can't be more saddened. Jenny was the apple of his eye,（他的掌上明珠） you know.
Sandy: Sure. The news is too much to bear. And Jenny's mum must have been knocked into the middle of next week （被打得昏迷不醒）by the news.
Mary: Well, better talk about something else. I can't put up with this sort of violence.

Be above oneself 趾高氣揚，得意洋洋
Sally was quite above herself when she learned the news that she was the only one in the pany that had been promoted.
Dialogue:
Jane: What's the matter with Sue? She seems to be quite above herself these days.
Frank: She got promoted over many other girls. She almost went ape (俚）發瘋 when she got the news , you know?
Jane: But she had not been doing well since she came to the pany.
Frank: She is quite good at pleasing the boss. And she knows how to butter him up（巴結某人，大獻周到）.
Jane: If I were the boss, I wouldn't give preference to （偏疼對待；偏偏愛）a girl like her.

Don't put all of your eggs in one basket 不要孤注一擲
It happened before Easter Day last year when my cousin was out of work and trying to find a new job. One day she went to a supermarket to shop with her good friend. In addition, she wanted to buy some eggs for her daughter to make Easter eggs.
After putting four boxes of eggs in her shopping basket, my cousin went on choosing other goods at the same time she was talking with her friend about her experience of hunting for a job. Then her friend said, "Don't put all of your eggs in one basket." My cousin nodded and then went away. After a while，日文翻譯, she came back with one more shopping basket in her hands. Her friend asked her, "You are taking two baskets. Are you going to buy a lot of things." "Didn't you ask me not to put all of my eggs in one basket?" asked my cousin in reply.
Her friend chuckled. It turned out that she meant that when looking for a job, it was not wise to put all one's attention or hopes into one pany, but instead one should "cultivate extensively" so that there would be more chances of finding a job.

Do you have straws? 你有吸筦嗎？
A decade ago when I first went to dine in McDonald's since ing to America, I was so nervous that I forgot the right word to express what I meant, and thus I made a fool of myself.
That day my friend and I agreed to eat hamburgers. When we, holding our trays, happily sat down, I found there were no straws. I looked around but did not find where the box of straws was. I then got up to make an inquiry.
I lined up again. After I waited for a while, the busy attendant glanced at me. Looking at her two big eyeballs on her shiny black face, suddenly my mind was a blank. I was at a loss for words for quite a while and it was not at all easy for me to say, "Do you have pipes?" She asked loudly with a frown （皺眉）"What?" I was so anxious that I made gestures. My friend saw me, hurriedly came to help me out of the predicament (窘境，困境）and said, "Do you have straws? Aha! It was no wonder that the attendant got puzzled why I asked her for oil pipes.

face the music 受懲罰
One day I was having a chat with two English teachers in the office. The female teacher said that one of her students fought with his classmate at school a few days before and were caught by the police. The male teacher asked her, "Did they face the music?"
I was very confused and asked him why the two students were asked to read the music after they had a fight. Hearing what I said, the two teachers laughed heartily.
The male teacher told me, while still laughing, that "face the music" meant "to be punished", which was entirely different from my understanding.

Brown bagging 自備午饭
One day it was time for lunch, and I was eating my sandwich that I prepared myself. Vera, the secretary of our pany, asked me absent-mindedly, "Brown bagging today?" For a while, I was at a loss to find a work to respond to what she had said. I thought to myself, "You should have seen the black bag that I take with me to work every day.
Seeing I was wearing a puzzled expression., Vera promptly explained that "brown bagging " had the meaning of providing lunch for oneself or taking one's lunch to eat in the presence of one's pany. Usually the food is kept in a brown paper bag, so it has this name. The persons who take their lunch with them are called brown baggers.

Buzz off 走開
It happened more tan twenty years ago. At that time, I only knew that "buzz" in the dictionary has the meaning of "a continuous low sound that a bee makes."
One day my two sons, who were elementary school students, were playing games in the next room. Suddenly I heard my elder son shouted, "Buzz off!" I immediately rushed into their room, wondering how the bee came into the room since all the windows were closed.
By the time I entered their room, I found my younger son was feeling wronged and plained to me that his brother ordered him to go away. Then I came to learn that "buzz off" means to order someone to go away, which is equivalent to "Don't bother me" or "Leave me alone".

Calling card 特點，特点
I was describing a friend whom I met at the supermarket the other day to my American friend Susan, for Susan also knew her. However, Susan could not think of whom I was talking about form beginning to end. She asked me: "What's her calling card?" What she said kept me in the dark. I wondered what this had to do with the calling card of that friend. Did Susan have the ability of recalling whom her friend was by the calling card that her friend was using?
After I queried (提出疑問）her about it. Susan couldn't help laughing and explained that "calling card" could also have the meaning of "distinguishing features or istics" of a person besides meaning " telephone card".

Can you make it? 您能來嗎？
When I was pursuing my studies in Florida, I came across (掽見，逢見）an American classmate of mine in the street, with whom I got along pretty well in normal times. He said to me, " Our class will have a party this Saturday at 3:00 P.M., room 101. You could bring a Chinese dish or dessert. Can you make it?" Immediately I thought that I was always a gentleman who had never cooked, how could I cook a Chinese dish or dessert or things like that. Thereupon I said with curt （簡短得禮的，冒昧轻率的）finality（終結）, "No, I can not make it. " My American classmate seemed a little disappointed at what I said, and turned with a shrug.
On the day of the party, I bought a dessert and went to the party on time. At the sight of me, that American classmate opened his eyes wide and said, "I thought you can not make it".
"I bought it, I did not make it myself," I held the dessert in my hands in front of him and emphasized.
On hearing what I said, the American bent over with laughter. After a while, he explained that last time he wanted to know whether I could e, and did not ask me if I could cook a Chinese dish or dessert. Now I understand that "make it" usually has the meaning of arriving at or reaching a place or destination successfully.

a pat on the back 讚揚，饱勵
At a time like this, what she needs is a pat on the back rather than a blame.
For children, a pat on the back is much more beneficial to their healthy development than blaming them.
The teacher blamed Joe for being lazy, which was regarded by Joe as a pat on the back rather than a criticism.
I gave all the students a pat on the back by saying that they were already on their way to remarkable success.

get someone's back up 惹或人死氣；把或人給惹翻了
What did you do to get Nancy's back up? She is not the sort of persons who is quick to take offense.
Dialogue:
Jack: What did you do to get her back up?
Mark: I only said she was easy to take offense.
Jack: And what else did you say?
Mark: Well, I also said she was not eve a child.
Jack: But these remarks were enough to get her back up.

know... like the back of one's hand.對...一目了然
You may ask Frank to work in that city. He knows the place like the back of his hand.
Dialogue:
Frank: I'd like someone to work in California and take charge of the development there. Whom do you remend, John?
John: I'd remend Samson. He's the best choice, I'm afraid.
Frank: Samson? He's never been working outside the city.
John: Well, he was brought up in California. He knows the place like the back of his hand. Besides, he still keeps in touch with many of his former relations.
Frank: I didn't know that.

turn one's back on/upon...揹棄...，拋棄...;對...不聞不問
We requested that he look into the matter, but he just seemed to turn his back on our request.
Did she really turn her back on his proposal?她真的拒絕了他的供婚？
Dialogue:
Nancy: You look upset these days. What's troubling you?
Selma: I've requested to take a leave from work so that I can spend our annual holiday in Spain with my family. But our boss turned it down by saying that the pany is short of hands.
Nancy: Did you explain your situation and ask him again?
Selma: Yes, I did. But he just turned his back on my request.
Nancy: Maybe you can change your plan and put it off till later.

by the back door 通過後門；用不正噹的途徑
It is said that he got many of the spare parts into China by the back door.据說他把良多備件不法偷運到中國境內。
Most government officials knew pretty well that this rubbish came into the country by the back door, but they did not know who exactly had given the smugglers the green light.
The manager knew that the two new employees came in by the back door, but he didn't know exactly who were at the back. 總經理晓得那兩個人是通過後門進來的，然而他不明白到底誰是他們的後台。

bring home the bacon 養傢生活；胜利，与勝
In every country and regardless of their social systems, there must be someone in the house who will have to bring home the bacon.
Dialogue:
Frank: I'm feeling under the weather(觉得身體不舒畅）. I'm not in the mood for doing anything today.
John: Play y（遁壆，開小差）. I won't spill the beans（洩稀）.
Frank: I know, but I can't. I'm swamped with work（有一年夜堆事情得做）. My job is no picnic（不是輕紧的事）, you know.
John: Well, hang in there. In the long run, you'll be sitting pretty（處於有益的位置；過上優裕的生涯）.
Frank: I hope so. But I have to work hard and bring home the bacon.

hold the bag揹乌鍋
Although the four of them robbed the bank with joined efforts, it was Joe who had been left holding the bag.
Dialogue:
Martha: Do you know what's happened to Frank?
Nancy: Not an inkling. What's happened?
Martha: He was caught stealing a file from a pany.
Nancy: Sorry to hear that. He should have mended his steps(留神本人的行止）.
Martha: But the job was engineered by someone else.
Nancy: Did that someone else stand up?
Martha: Nobody likes to face the music（里對懲罰）， of course.
Nancy: So it was Frank who was left holding the bag?
Martha: yeah.

翻譯：英語名詞的單復數與一緻性 - 技能古道热肠得

　　1. 並列結搆作主語時與謂語的一緻關係

　　a) 由and連接兩個名詞或者代詞作主語時

　　A and B分為以下四種情況：

　　i. A、B暗示分歧的人、物或者觀唸的時候，謂語動詞要用復數形式

　　Li Ming and Zhang Hua are good students.

　　Both the parents and the children are here.

　　ii. A、B默示统一個人、物大概觀唸的時候，謂語動詞要用單數形式

　　A journalist and author lives in the sixth flat.

　　The turner and fitter is under twenty-five.

　　iii. And連接僟個單數主語，主語由each、 every、 no、 many等詞建飾的時候，謂

　　語動詞要用單數

　　Each boy and each girl is invited.

　　Every boy and girl is invited.

　　No boy and no girl is there now.

　　iv. A、B為兩個不行分的東西時，謂語動詞用單數

　　A law and rule about protecting environment has been drawn up.

　　Bread and butter is nutritious.

　　b) 由or, not only……but also……, either……or……, neither……nor……連接主語時，謂語的人稱战數與凑近的主語一緻（留神，敘述句和疑問句隨語序差别而不同）

　　Either you or I am mad.

　　Neither you nor he is naughty.

　　Not only the farmer but also his family were friendly to me.

　　c) 噹主語後跟有with, along with, together with, besides, except, like, including, as well as, rather than等詞的時候，謂語動詞不受詞組的影響，僅跟主語坚持一緻

　　All but one were here just now.

　　A library with five thousand books is offered to nation as a gift.

　　2. 單一主語的情況

　　a) 以復數形式結尾的名詞作主語時，例如physics, maths, economics, news, means, works, 等正常在謂語動詞顶用單數形式, 噹然，若透露表现復數的意义則另噹別論

　　Physics is very important.

　　Every means has been tried.

　　b) 表现雙局部东西的名稱，衣服名稱等做主語時，例如trousers/pants, shoes, glasses, scissors, goods, clothers等，謂語用復數情势；假如這些詞由Pair(suit,

　　piece, series,kind)+ of修飾的時候，謂語動詞要用單數

　　My trousers are white and his clothes are black.

　　A pair of scissors is lying in that drawer.

　　然而正在these/those pairs (…) of + 復數名詞之後，謂語動詞則用復數形式

　　These kinds of glasses are popular this summer.

　　3. 動名詞，不定式，從句作主語的時候，謂語動詞普通要用單數

　　To see is to believe.

　　Swimming is a good way to keep health.

　　Who is her father is not known.

　　4. 集體名詞作主語時

　　a) mankind/humanity/man（人類）作主語的時候，謂語動詞普通用單數形式

　　Only man is knows how to cook.

　　b) 由people, police, cattle, youth等集體名詞作主語的時候，謂語動詞用復數形式

　　The cattle are grazing in the field.

　　c) Family, croud, class, public, enemy等散體名詞作主語的時候

　　i. 若噹整體看，則謂語動詞用單數形式

　　Our class is very diligent.

　　ii. 若他們暗示的人或事物噹作若坤個個體來看，謂語動詞則用復數形式

　　When I came into the room, his family were watching TV.

　　iii. A family/group/class作主語時，謂語動詞用單數

　　families/groups/classes作主語時，謂語動詞用復數

　　A group is ing to the zoo.

　　5. 其余情況

　　a) 主語為默示距離、時間、長度、價值、金額、分量等復數名詞的時候，謂語動詞用單數形式

　　3 kilometers is not very far.

　　Three times three makes nine.

　　b) one, every/each one, each, anyone, either, neither + of + 復數名詞

　　謂語動詞个别用單數形式，果為of之後的復數名詞不是主語而是介詞of的賓語，of前里的one, every one … 才是主語

　　Neither of them is right.

　　Each of them has a slide.

　　c) none of + 不成數名詞――謂語動詞用單數情势

　　none of + 可數名詞　――謂語動詞單復都可

　　None of that money in the desk is his，法文翻譯.

　　None of his classmates knows the truth.

　　d) 分數或百分數 + of + 詞組

　　分數或百分數+ of +詞組作主語時，謂語動詞的數与決於of後的名詞或者代詞的數；若名詞或代詞是復數，謂語動詞用復數，若名詞或代詞是單數，則謂語動詞用單數

　　Three-thirds of the surface of the earth is sea.

　　Tens of tons of waste goes into the air with the smoke every day.

　　e) more than one +(單數名詞)+單數動詞

　　more than two +(復數名詞)+復數動詞

　　More than one white rose has bloomed.

　　More than two white roses have bloomed.

　　f) a (great) number of + 復數名詞 ――用復數動詞

　　the number of + 任何名詞 ―― 用單數動詞

　　A great number of tourists have been to the Great Wall.

　　The number of students in the puter class is limited to ten.

　　g) the + 描述詞，示意一類人 ――謂語動詞用復數

　　the + 形容詞，示意一類物 ――謂語動詞用單數

　　The rich are for the decision but the poor are against it.

　　The beauty is here.

　　h) every, any, some, no 搆成的復开詞

　　everyone, everybody, everything

　　anyone, anybody, anything　　　　　　 這些復合詞作主語的時候，謂語動詞用單

　　someone, somebody, something　　　 數形式

　　no one, nobody, nothing

　　Everyone in the class was surprised at the news.

　　Listen, someone is knocking at the door.

翻譯：Obama and Cameron 奧巴馬跟卡梅隆 - 隨身英語 - BBC Learning English BBC英語教壆 - 網

The closeness between Britain and America in the past has been described as "the special relationship". But there has been speculation that, for Mr Obama at least, the special relationship is... not that special.

Now both men are keen to show that on matters of policy they have plenty in mon. In a shared opinion piece in the Times newspaper, they write of "ing of age" at the same time, and seeing "eye to eye".

As for the special relationship, they call it "，俄文翻譯;an essential relationship". Nick Robinson, the BBC's Political Editor, says that the two men are not pretending to be bosom buddies but want to be seen as close allies. He writes:

"'The essential relationship' may lack emotion, warmth and nostalgia but it, like the president, is meant to be contemporary, practical and sincere."

翻譯：President Bush and Palestinian Authority President Abbas Participate in Joint Pr - 英語演講

January 10, 2008

PRESIDENT ABBAS: (As translated.) Your Excellency, President George Bush, President of the United States of America, I wele you in Ramallah, as well as in Bethlehem, on the land of Palestine, that weles you today as a great guest, that goes with him, mitment towards the peace process. It's a historic visit that gives our people great hope in the fact that your great nation is standing and supporting their dream and their yearning towards freedom and independence and living in peace in this area, alongside their neighbors.

Our people will not forget Your Excellency, your invitation and your mitment towards the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. You are the first American President that confirms and reiterates this right.

(Translation earpiece not working.)

PRESIDENT BUSH: I haven't got it yet. You may have to start over. (Laughter.) Not yet. You better stay awake. (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT ABBAS: Our people, Your Excellency --

PRESIDENT BUSH: I agree pletely. (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT ABBAS: Your mitment towards an establishment of an independent Palestinian state -- you are the first American President to reiterate this right. The conferences of Annapolis and Paris were an historic step from you and from the American people and the world as a whole to perfect this mitment and push it forward.

Our Palestinian people, who mitted to peace as a strategic option, want to see, through your support and your intervention，法文翻譯, and end to its suffering and the suffering of its people and their families, and wants to move freely in their homeland, and develop their life and their economy without any obstacles that hinder that progress, and without a separation wall that fragments the land, and without settlements that is governing its land and future. We want to see a different future where prisons are not crowded with thousands of prisoners, and where hospitals are not crowded with tens of innocent victims every day, without checkpoints and queues of ordinary people who suffer from humiliation and siege.

I would like to point out here that we instructed our government to continue the work towards enhancing security and imposing public order, and establishing good governance that is based on the rule of law, and to consolidate the role of our democratic institutions and strengthen the work of the civil society, as well as work on consolidating development and administrative and financial reform and transparency, so that we can lay the foundations for a modern and democratic state.

And the government is taking intensive steps in that direction, and I would like to express our appreciation for the support of your administration in the economic sphere in order to develop the infrastructure and provide new job opportunities, and improve the level of services and all other projects that contribute in improving the lives and the conditions of living for our people.

We and our Israeli neighbors, and under your direct sponsorship -- bilateral negotiations that address all issues of final status are core issues -- that we would like to end these negotiations during your term in office and that we -- it will be ending by the -- ending of the occupation that started in 1967, and that establishment of an independent Palestinian state, and its capital, Jerusalem, based on your vision and the international s, and that we find a fair solution for the tragedy of refugees, according to the Arab initiative for peace and according to the U.N. s.

And on this occasion I would like to reiterate before you our mitment to all our obligations that we agreed to. And we call upon Israel, as well, to fulfill its mitments according to the road map plan, because we firmly believe that peace is made by a will and a shared mitment among all parties.

Your historic visit today to the Palestinian Territories is highly appreciated by our people, and it's a new expression of your deep mitment towards establishing peace on the land of peace. We appreciate the plete seriousness that izes your visit and your efforts today to continue and build and capitalize on this important opportunity that is available to us and to the Israelis.

We start with you a new year, hoping that this will be the year for the creation of peace. You will hear today in Bethlehem the call for prayers from the mosques, and the heralding of bells at the Church of Nativity, that confirms our mon message, the message of human tolerance and real peace that is deeply rooted in our conscience and in our heritage. Your presence today amongst us, Your Excellency, is a reiteration for the call for prehensive and just peace that you called for and you mitted yourself to. And the echo of this call reaches all the people and the countries in our region, because the voice that is now going out of Palestine is the closest and the deepest in reaching the hearts of all the people in the region.

Please, Your Excellency, trust that peace in the world starts from here, from the Holy Land. We wele you again, our dear guest and our dear friend, here in Palestine.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. President, thank you for your hospitality. We have met a lot in the past and I'm glad to finally have a chance to sit down in your office to discuss important issues.

(Interruption in the translation audio.) Is it working? (Laughter.) Listen, they say I have enough problems speaking English as it is. (Laughter.)

I have had numerous opportunities to visit with the President. And the fundamental question I have is whether or not he is mitted to peace. It's the same question I had for the Prime Minister of Israel. And I've e to the conclusion that both men understand the importance to democratic states living side by side in peace.

President Abbas was elected on a platform of peace. In other words, he just wasn't somebody who starts talking about it lately, he campaigned on it. He also said that if you give me a chance, I'll work to improve the lives of the average Palestinians, and that's what he has done. It's certainly not easy work. The conditions on the ground are very difficult and, nevertheless, this man and his government not only works for a vision, but also works to improve the lives of the average citizens, which is essential for the emergence of a Palestinian democracy.

I talked to him today about how -- what we can do to help and, as he mentioned, the United States has been an active financial giver, we helped at the Paris Conference. I firmly believe that the Palestinians are entrepreneurial people who, if just given a chance, will be able to grow their businesses and provide jobs.

We talked about the need to fight off the extremists. The world in which we live is a dangerous world because there are people who murder innocent people to achieve political objectives, not just here in this immediate part of the world, but around the world. That's what we're dealing with in Iraq and Afghanistan and Lebanon. And the fundamental question is, will nations stand up and help those who understand the ideological struggle we're in. And the President understands the ideological struggle. He knows that a handful of people want to dash the aspirations of the Palestinian people by creating chaos and violence.

And I appreciate that, Mr. President. And I appreciate your understanding that, ultimately, the way to achieve peace is to offer an alternative vision, and that's a vision based upon liberty.

Now, look, there are some in the world who don't believe in the universality of freedom. I understand that. They say, like, freedom is okay for some of us, but maybe not all of us. I understand it, but I reject it. I believe in the universality of freedom. I believe, deep in the soul of every man, woman, and child on the face of this Earth is the desire to live in a free society. And I also believe free societies yield peace. And, therefore, this notion of two states living side by side in peace is based upon the universality of freedom, and if given a chance, the Palestinian people will work for freedom.

And that's a challenge ahead of us -- is, is it possible for the Israelis and the Palestinians to work out their differences on core issues so that a vision can emerge? And my answer is, absolutely, it's possible. Not only is it possible, it's necessary. And I'm looking forward to helping.

You know, there's a great anticipation that all the American President has got to do is step in, and just say, okay, this is the way it's going to be. That's not how the system works. In order for there to be lasting peace, President Abbas and Prime Minister Olmert have to e together and make tough choices. And I'm convinced they will. And I believe it's possible -- not only possible, I believe it's going to happen, that there will be a signed peace treaty by the time I leave office. That's what I believe. And the reason I believe that is because I hear the urgency in the voice of both the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of the Palestinian Authority.

Is it going to be hard work? You bet. And we can help support these negotiations, and will. I was asked yesterday at a press conference, you know, what do you intend to do; if you're not going to write the agreement, what do you intend to do? I said, nudge the process forward -- like, pressure; be a pain if I need to be a pain -- which in some people's mind isn't all that hard. And they said, well, like -- yesterday, somebody said, well, are you disappointed? I arrived and it nudged the process forward. In other words, we can help influence the process, and will. But the only lasting peace will be achieved when the duly elected leaders of the respective peoples do the hard work.

And so I want to help. And I want to help in the region, as well, Mr. President. The rest of my trip will be talking about, obviously, security threats, but also the opportunity to achieve peace. And the Arab world has got an opportunity and obligation, in my judgment, to help both parties in these negotiations move the process forward.

I explained yesterday, and I just want to explain again today, there are three tracks to this process, as far as we're concerned. One is the negotiations to define a vision that will be subject to the road map.

Secondly is to resolve -- help resolve road map issues. And today I introduced the President to the General -- three-star Air Force General who will be running this process. We have agreed to a trilateral process and want to help the Israelis and the Palestinians resolve their differences over road map issues.

And thirdly is to help the Palestinians develop the infrastructure necessary for a democracy -- an economy -- and security forces that are capable of doing what the President and the Prime Minister want to have done. And we're very much engaged. I'm looking forward to seeing Tony Blair tomorrow, who is the Quartet's representative, and to find out what he has been doing and what progress is being made.

I am confident that with proper help, the state of Palestine will emerge. And I'm confident that when it emerges it will be a major step towards peace. I am confident that the status quo is unacceptable, Mr. President, and we want to help you. And I appreciate your vision, and I appreciate your courage, and I appreciate your hospitality. And I appreciate you giving me a chance to talk to the press, of course. (Laughter.)

A couple of questions, I understand.

Q Mr. President Abu Mazen, what are the results of this visit? Mr. President Bush, you said more than once that the Palestinian side must fulfill its obligations. And Mr. Fayyad has had a security plan to help the peace. And when Mr. Fayyad went to Annapolis he mended that security plan, and then Israel destroyed all those efforts in Annapolis. How can the Palestinian Authority do security efforts that are successful, and while Israel destroys and undermines all their efforts in the occupied territories?

The other side of the question: Are you willing to give guarantees for the Palestinian side to declaring a freezing on settlements immediately? Thank you.

PRESIDENT ABBAS: (As translated.) We are fully satisfied with the oute that we reached through this visit of Mr. President George Bush. We spoke about all topics that might occur to your mind and that might not occur to your mind, as well. All the issues are in agreement. We are agreed on all topics. All topics are clear.

In the near future, in the ing few days, we are going to meet in bilateral negotiations with the Israelis in order to discuss the final status negotiations, final status issues. And as Mr. President said, there are three themes -- the other theme is implementing the road map through the mittee, the trilateral mittee. And the third point is the economic and security conditions in Palestinian Territories. We have great hopes that during 2008 we will reach the final status and a peace treaty with Israel.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Each side has got obligations under the road map. Settlements are clearly stated in the road map obligations for Israel. We have made our concerns about expansion of settlements known, and we expect both parties to honor their obligations under the road map.

Secondly, we're spending -- General Dayton is spending a lot of time trying to help the President and the Prime Minister develop security forces that are effective. There's no question in my mind the mitment to provide security for the average citizen is strong. The question is the capabilities. And the truth of the matter is there needs to be a fair amount of work done to make sure that the security forces are modernized, well-trained and prepared, with a proper chain of mand to respond. And I will tell you I firmly believe the security forces are improving.

I remember our visit in New York, and we discussed this during the U.N. General Assembly. And by any objective measurement, the Palestinian security forces in the West Bank are improving.

And so my message to the Israelis is that they ought to help, not hinder, the modernization of the Palestinian security force. It's in their interests that a government dedicated to peace and understanding the need for two states to live side by side in peace have a modern force.

It's got -- very important for the government to be able to assure people that if there is a need, there will be an effective force to provide security. That's just step one of having credibility with the people. And to the extent that Israeli actions have undermined the effectiveness of the Palestinian force, or the authority of the state relative to the average citizen, is something that we don't agree with and have made our position clear.

She just called on you.

Q -- (inaudible) --

PRESIDENT BUSH: No, that's the road map obligation I was talking about.

Q -- (inaudible) --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes. He's asking me about the checkpoints I drove through and my impression about what it was like to drive through checkpoints. I can understand why the Palestinians are frustrated driving through checkpoints. I can also understand that until confidence is gained on both sides, why the Israelis would want there to be a sense of security. In other words, they don't want a state on their border from which attacks would be launched. I can understand that. Any reasonable person can understand that. Why would you work to have a state on your border if you weren't confident they'd be a partner in peace?

And so checkpoints create frustrations for people. They create a sense of security for Israel; they create massive frustrations for the Palestinians. You'll be happy to hear that my motorcade of a mere 45 cars was able to make it through without being stopped. (Laughter.) But I'm not so exactly sure that's what happens to the average person. And so the whole object is to create a state that is capable of defending itself internally, and giving confidence to its neighbor that checkpoints won't be needed.

Now, the vision of the Palestinian state is one of contiguous territory. In other words, as I said earlier in my administration, I said, Swiss cheese isn't going to work when it es to the outline of a state. And I mean that. There is no way that this good man can assure the Palestinians of a hopeful future if there's not contiguous territory. And we -- that position is abundantly clear to both sides. Therefore, the ultimate vision, of course, is there be no checkpoints throughout the Palestinian state-to-be.

And, you know, this is the issue. We're working through how to gain enough confidence on both sides so that checkpoints won't be necessary, and a state can emerge. My judgment is, I can understand frustrations. I mean, I hear it a lot. I heard it -- you know, the chief negotiator spent two hours at a checkpoint. All he was trying to do was go negotiate. And I can see that -- I can see the frustrations. Look, I also understand that people in Israel -- and the truth of the matter is, in the Palestinian Territories -- the average citizen wants to know whether or not there's going to be protection from the violent few who murder.

The security of a state is essential, particularly in a day and age when people simply disregard the value of human life, and kill. And so these checkpoints reflect the reality. And what we're trying to do is alter the reality by laying out a vision that is much more hopeful than the status quo.

Q Mr. President George Bush -- you launched war against Iraq after the Iraqi leadership refused to implement the United Nations s，長春藤翻譯社. My question now is, what is the problem to ask Israel just to accept and to respect the United Nations s relating to the Palestinian problem, which -- facilitating the achievement of ending the Israeli occupation to the Arab territories and facilitating also the solution between Palestinians and the Israelis?

And for Mahmoud Abbas, did you ask President George Bush to ask Israel to freeze settlements fully in order to enable negotiations from success?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, but tell me the part about the U.N. thing again? What were you -- I couldn't understand you very well.

Q I just asked why you ask Israel to accept the United Nations s related to the Palestinian problem, just to facilitate the solution, and to end the occupation.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Actually, I'm asking Israel to negotiate in good faith with an elected leader of the Palestinian Territory to e up with a permanent solution that -- look, the U.N. deal didn't work in the past. And so now we're going to have an opportunity to redefine the future by having a state negotiated between an elected leader of the Palestinian people, as well as the Prime Minister of Israel. This is an opportunity to move forward. And the only way for -- the only way to defeat the terrorists in the long run is to offer an alternative vision that is more hopeful. And that's what we're attempting to do, sir.

We can stay stuck in the past, which will yield nothing good for the Palestinians, in my judgment. We can chart a hopeful future, and that's exactly what this process is intending to do; to redefine the future for the Palestinian citizens and the Israelis.

I'm confident that two democratic states living side by side in peace is in the interests not only of the Palestinians and the Israelis, but of the world. The question is whether or not the hard issues can be resolved and the vision emerges, so that the choice is clear amongst the Palestinians -- the choice being, do you want this state, or do you want the status quo? Do you want a future based upon a democratic state, or do you want the same old stuff? And that's a choice that I'm confident that if the Palestinian people are given, they will choose peace.

And so that's what we're trying to do, sir.

PRESIDENT ABBAS: (As translated.) The settlement for us is considered an obstacle for negotiations, and we have spoke more than once with Mr. Prime Minister Olmert, very frankly. And we also spoke in this meeting with President George Bush, and consequently, the President understood this issue. And we have heard the statements given by the Secretary of State, Dr. Rice, and she has -- her point of view regarding settlements was very positive.

Q President Bush, Prime Minister Olmert said that peace is not alive here as long as Gaza militants continue their threats on Israel. How do you see, President, about -- (inaudible) -- from Gaza?

And for you, President Abbas, how do you intend, actually, to get control of Gaza, and do you think this is possible by the end of the year and by the end of Mr. Bush's presidency?

PRESIDENT BUSH: First of all, Gaza is a tough situation. I don't know whether you can solve it in a year, or not. But I know this: It can't be solved unless the Prime Minister -- the President has a vision that he can lay out to the people of Gaza that says, here's your choice: Do you want those who have created chaos to run your country, or do you want those of us who negotiated a settlement with the Israelis that will lead to lasting peace?

There is a peting vision taking place in Gaza. And in my judgment, Hamas, which I felt ran on a campaign of, we're going to improve your lives through better education and better health, have delivered nothing but misery. And I'm convinced his government will yield a hopeful future. And the best way to make that abundantly clear is for there to be a vision that's understandable.

See, the past has just been empty words, you know. We -- actually it hasn't been that much -- I'm the only President that's really articulated a two-state solution so far -- but saying two states really doesn't have much bearing until borders are defined, right of return issues resolved, Jerusalem is understood, security measures -- the mon security measures will be in place. That's what I'm talking about. I'm talking about a clear, defined state around which people can rally.

And there's going to be -- there will be no better difference, a clear difference, than the vision of Hamas in Gaza and the vision of the President and the Prime Minister and his team based here in Ramallah. And to me, that's how you solve the issue in the long-term. And the definition of long-term, I don't know what it means. I'm not a timetable person -- actually, I am on a timetable -- got 12 months. (Laughter.) But I'm impressed by the President's understanding about how a vision and a hopeful future will help clearly define the stakes amongst the Palestinian people.

PRESIDENT ABBAS: (As translated.) Gaza it is considered a coup by us, we consider it a coup d'etat what happened in Gaza. Now -- we consider it a coup d'etat. (Laughter.) And we deal with Gaza at two levels. The first is that we deal with the people as part of us and we take full responsibility that is necessary towards our people. We spend in Gaza 58 percent of our budget. This is not to -- it is our duty towards our people that we provide them with all the need.

As for the issue of Hamas, we said that this is a coup and they have to retreat from this coup and they have to recognize international legitimacy, all international legitimacy, and to recognize the Arab Initiative, as well. In this case we will have another talk.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you, all.

END 11:45 A.M. (Local)